|—||Pier Paolo Pasolini. “Sono Contro l’Aborto,” Corriere della Sera (Milan, January 19, 1975). (via konkretpolitik)|
It must also be noted that glorious ancient Greece, so often cited as the ideal male homosexual society, that is, a society in which sex among men and boys was entirely acceptable, operated in accordance with these same principles: male sexual aggression against boys and among men was highly regulated by custom and in practice; sexual relations between men and boys expressed a rigid hierarchy of male power; the youth used was feminized vis-a-vis older men; sex was not consensual, that is, among peers (in fact, on Crete and in other parts of Greece, boys were kidnapped into sexual apprenticeship); the boy became the man, changed status, his reward at the end of an apprenticeship; populations of women and slaves, neither of which had any rights of citizenship, absorbed the brunt of male sexual aggression. Male homosexuality in male-supremacist societies has always been contained and controlled by men as a class, though the strategies of containment have differed, to protect men from rape by other men, to order male sexuality so that it is, with reference to males, predictable and safe. Females and devalued males who participate in the low status of women are logically the preferred victims, since male sexuality as it exists in male-supremacist contexts requires victims, not fully present equals, in order to realize itself. The devalued males can often change status, escape; women and girls cannot. And the devalued male who cannot change his devalued status can always find solace in his own rights of tyranny and privilege, however circumscribed, over women and girls in his own family, class, race, or group.
It is unlikely that male-male sexuality will be or can be tolerated by men as a class until the very nature of masculinity is changed, that is, until rape is no longer the defining paradigm of sexuality. Those gay men of our own time who offer ancient Greece as a utopian model are only confirming that, for them, the continued scapegoating of women and the sexual exploitation of less powerful males would be an insignificant price to pay for a comfortable solution to their own social and sexual dilemma. As adult men, they would have freedom as they understand it, the freedom of the sexual predator; women, girls, and devalued males would continue to be the prey. This moral bankruptcy is not in any sense unique to homosexual men; rather, it is part of what they have in common with all men.
|—||Andrea Dworkin, Pornography: Men Possessing Women|
Beyonce in a pizza outfit
SWEETYOUNGTHING — STRETCHING IT WIDER
Why is desire considered apolitical? What could be more political than desire? How is your exclusive preference for white sexual partners independent of white supremacy? How is your exclusive preference for male sexual partners independent of patriarchy? How are these not expressions of racist, sexist imaginations?
|—||Teena Marie, “Irons In The Fire”|
fierce pussy, No Special Rights for Heterosexuals, 1994
1994 No special rights
In the early ‘90s , the right wing and the Christian Coalition embarked on a campaign using the phrase “no special rights for homosexuals” A slew of legislation across the country made it legal to discriminate against queers in the workplace, housing, parenting and healthcare. Their incendiary homophobic language created a climate which encouraged violence against queers, and across the country there were countless bashings, murders and fire-bombings. Fierce pussy responded with a poster campaign appropriating “no special rights” to ask heterosexuals the question: how would it feel to have that hatred directed at you?
Gran Fury - All People With AIDS Are Innocent, 1988